"One who grasps [written Hebrew’s] … structure deeply and by the roots, and knows how to keep that [structure] fitted to the fields of knowledge will have a pattern and a rule for the complete discovery of anything that can be known."
–Pico della Mirandola (Copenhaver, Number 41)
Scholars have often seen the Renaissance philosopher Giovanni Pico della Mirandola as the most prominent harbinger of modern culture, especially in his Oration’s espousal of the ‘dignity of man’ (Copenhaver and Schmitt 163). Frances Yates suggests that Pico reformulated the position of European man as a Magus, who by acting upon the world through magic and the Cabala could control his destiny with science (Yates 116). While this concept of a new relationship between human will and the world may have aided the Scientific Revolution, through its focus on analysis and technological operations, Renaissance magic and occultism were often viewed as illegitimate by orthodox religion, philosophy, and the growing scientific approach to reality (Copenhaver, Natural Magic 262, 280). Pico’s active interest in magic has led scholars such as Lynn Thorndike to dismiss his influence on science altogether (Copenhaver, Number 26). However, Recent studies by Brian P. Copenhaver may show that Pico della Mirandola’s focus on language and hermeneutic interpretation in the Cabala helped broaden the fields of textual analysis, mathematics, and the precision of scientific languages.
Like most Renaissance philosophers, Pico was interested in history, physics, mathematics, and other ‘natural philosophies’ that formed the basis for the Scientific Revolution, but his research did not exclude the more Humanist concerns of poetry, art, grammar, and ethics that were seen as culturally useful knowledge (Copenhaver and Schmitt 24, 28 and Copenhaver, Number 30). Such diverse learning was a prevalent tool in Renaissance philosophy, and Pico saw this eclecticism as an aspect of man’s freedom, with which he tried to construct a broader sense of truth from diverse texts without adhering to any particular philosophy (Copenhaver and Schmitt 59, 167-8). In 1486, Pico wrote the Oration to introduce his 900 Conclusions (Copenhaver and Schmitt 165-6), which were intended to be a total synthesis of all current knowledge (Yates 94), and empower man to transcend his ontological and moral positions in the world (Copenhaver and Schmitt 166-7). Though the recovery of ancient texts and the study of classical manuscripts was a prime concern of Renaissance philosophers (Copenhaver and Schmitt 33), Pico embraced systems of thought rejected by other Humanists and little known to most European Christians (Copenhaver and Schmitt 171). In his Conclusions, Pico attempted to harmonize Plato and Aristotle with the translations of semi-philosophic religious manuscripts called the Hermetic Corpus, as well as Pythagorean, Orphic, Chaldeaen, and Cabalistic texts that formed the basis of Renaissance ‘natural magic’ (Copenhaver and Schmitt 16, 168).
In 1462, Marsilio Ficino translated the Hermetic Corpus for Cosimo Medici, and his On Arranging One’s Life According to the Heavens served as the most influential text on magic theory for several centuries, giving educated Europeans a philosophical basis for their beliefs in magic, astrology, and the occult (Copenhaver and Schmitt 146-7, 159-60). Philosophical and pious Renaissance Magi replaced medieval notions of disreputable and necromantic wizards (Yates 107), and for Ficino, the aim of their natural magic was to put “natural materials in relationship with natural causes” (Copenhaver, Natural Magic 281). The decline of magic as a legitimate concern of natural philosophy was one of the most important features of the Scientific Revolution, but empirical occultism remained a significant source of natural and historical information for Renaissance philosophers (Copenhaver, Natural Magic 290, 280). This magical world-view also expressed the same impulse of “turning towards and operating on the world” essential to the development of the mechanical and mathematical sciences (Copenhaver, Number 263).
After meeting Ficino in the 1480s, Pico hoped to combine Ficino’s natural magic with his own unified theories, in order to overcome philosophical sectarian discord (Copenhaver and Schmitt 174). However, Pico recommended magic much more openly than did his colleague, in the form of a practical Cabala that could tap the higher powers of the cosmos through the invocation of angels and the names of God (Yates 84). Having studied languages in several different universities, Pico learned of Cabala from Elia Del Medigo while in Padua, and later from the Sicilian rabbi Flavius Mithridates, who translated several thousand pages of Cabalistic texts for the young philosopher (Copenhaver and Schmitt 170-1). Cabala is a Jewish mystical tradition, supposedly handed down from Moses as a source of ancient wisdom, and developed in 13th Century Spain in the Zohar and the Sefer Yetzirah, or “Book of Creation” (Yates 92). For Pico, Cabalism was comparable to the Hermetic Corpus of the mythical Hermes Trismegistus (Yates 84-5). At the core of Cabalistic doctrine are the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet and the Sephiroth, or ‘enumerations,’ the ten names most common to God that were used to create the world (Yates 92). In the Hebrew account of creation, as told in Genesis, God spoke the world into existence. Thus, the Cabalists saw the Hebrew words and letters as containing the creative language of God, and they developed interpretative techniques to understand the nature of the world from the text of the Scriptures (Yates 85, 92).
Of particular interest to Pico’s studies on the Cabala were the 13th century commentaries on Maimonides by Abraham Abulafia. This Spanish mystic developed a technique of combining Hebrew letters in endless permutations, called a ‘revolving alphabet,’ which became a primary source for Pico’s textual analysis (Copenhaver and Schmitt 171-2, and Yates 93). At the suggestion of his translator, Flavius, Pico innovated the Cabala by linguistically deriving the name of Jesus from the names of God, as an encoded Christian secret in the Scriptures (Copenhaver and Schmitt 172). He went so far in his Conclusions as to claim that magic and Cabala could give the most scientific certainty about Christ’s divinity, a statement that the Christian Church found heretical, which prompted their refusal to let Pico print his work (Copenhaver and Schmitt 169, 166). But even in his formal Apology to the Church, published in 1489, Pico still defended his magical use of Cabala, by dividing it into a theoretical or contemplative branch and a practical branch that magically operated on the names of God (Copenhaver and Schmitt 169). Pico called this later Cabala the “practical part of natural knowledge,” classified it as a science that could “make practical the whole of formal metaphysics and of lower theology,” and claimed that no magical operation worked without its use (Copenhaver, Number 34-6, Yates 95, and 91).
According to Copenhaver, the importance of these Cabalistic studies, and Pico’s ultimate insistence on their operative use, relies on the last thesis of his Conclusions: “Just as the true astrology teaches us to read in the book of God, in the same way Cabala teaches us to read in the book of the Law” (Copenhaver, Number 25). Pico was fascinated with the idea that the Universe was a vast and original book that could be interpreted through the magical languages of shape and number (Copenhaver, Number 29-30), in much the same way that the Scriptures could be interpreted through the Hebrew Language. Hermeneutics, the Cabalist method of textual interpretation, had taught Pico that nothing in the Torah lacks meaning, even individual letters contained secrets that could be penetrated through specific techniques (Copenhaver, Number 52, and Copenhaver and Schmitt 172), such as linguistic abbreviation or transposition, called notarikon and temurah (Yates 93). The most complex technique that Pico used in his practical Cabala was gematria, a system in which numerical values are assigned to each Hebrew letter. Through the intricate linguistic arithmetic of gematria, calculations between numbers and words could reveal “the entire organization of the world in terms of word-numbers” (Yates 93 and Copenhaver, Number 41), a revelation that was bound to appeal to Pico’s explicit goal of synthesizing all knowledge.
By recommending such linguistic signs as magically operative over natural substances, Pico had to make a distinction between the shape or figure of letters and their linguistic messages, in order to avoid the charge that his magic communicated with demons (Yates 88-9, and Copenhaver, Number 61, 39). As such, Pico built on medieval theories of signification and supposition, as well as on Thomas Aquinas’s semiotic theories in which Scriptural parts of speech mean something by themselves, outside of their semantic content. Pico suggested that there is a difference between God’s original use of language, which signifies the creation of the world, and the priest or Magi’s repetitious and onomatopoeic language, that does not actually signify anything (Copenhaver, Number 39-40). In his Conclusions, Pico states that any speech is powerful if informed by the speech of God, but Hebrew letters were meaningful in themselves as “characters and figures,” like those used to mark amulets in astrology or alchemy, because their shape revealed the shape of God to medieval Cabalists (Copenhaver, Number 33-4, 37). Characters and figures were in the safe realm of natural action because they shared the powers attributed by Pythagorean philosophers to mathematical entities, and this conjunction between shape, number, and word in Cabalism further articulated a magical arithmetic for Pico (Copenhaver, Number 37, 60, and 34). This mathematical use of language, along with Pico’s focuses on the precision of significant speech and hermeneutic analysis of texts, were themes taken up and expanded by later natural philosophers, such as Giambattisto Vico and Galileo Galilei.
Hermeneutics, as a theory of interpreting linguistic and non-linguistic expressions that might have deeper, non-literal meanings, descended from Greek philosophy through Renaissance Biblical studies, and eventually came to include the study of all classical texts. Vico, in his Scienza Nuova of 1725, argued that thinking is always rooted in a specific cultural context, and that textual interpretation, from poetry to technical vocabularies, must involve historical and cultural studies as well as self-understanding (Ramberg and Gjesdal). These ideas have become essential to modern hermeneutical analysis, and may have resulted from Renaissance Humanists like Pico, who modernized the study of classical manuscripts by improving knowledge of ancient languages and specific cultural-historical settings (Copenhaver and Schmitt 33). Furthermore, as a tool for revealing layers of symbolic meaning, hermeneutics shares with scientific languages the attempt to provide a foundation for meaning through a critical attitude and precise terminology (Rasmussen 22-3). Drawing on his Cabalistic studies in which the phonetics of language were more corporeal than the semantic contents, Pico criticized rhetoric as a superficial obfuscation of truth, and stressed that philosophical language must be a tool of clarity, accuracy, and seriousness (Copenhaver and Schmitt 170-1). In this light, Pico’s Cabalist conclusions may have revealed “new tools for understanding nature as God’s creation,” which scholars such as Ernst Cassirer and Eugenio Garin believed had methodological, ethical, and epistemological consequences for the development of science (Copenhaver, Number 26-7).
In the last years of his life, Pico della Mirandola wrote a refutation of predictive astrology, Disputationes Adversus Astrologiam Divinatricem, an attempt to defend human freedom from astral determinism that became his largest project (Copenhaver and Schmitt 176). Downplaying the magical aspects of astrology that interested Ficino and other natural philosophers, Pico argued that the Cabalistic deciphering of shapes in the Torah could teach astrologers how to more accurately read signs in the stars (Copenhaver, Number 61). Not only did this project defend the human importance of finding meaning in nature, but distinguished mathematical-physical causality from astrological causality, and suggested that phenomena could only be understood through experience; themes that may have foreshadowed the works of Galileo, Descartes, Kepler, and Newton (Copenhaver, Number 25-7).
Galileo also made the claim that the Universe was a book that could be read in a language of characters through mathematics, which may have inspired Descartes’ coordinate geometry, that was also viewed by its critics as a form of magic using shapes as explanation (Copenhaver, Number 29). Though Galileo’s hermeneutics of reading shape into the stars detached Scripture from nature to form a mathematical science, this development from natural philosophy may not have been possible without Pico’s correlation of nature to text in his work with the Cabala (Copenhaver, Number 61-2). By focusing on textual interpretation, the relationship between form, number, and language, and the need for accurate linguistic signification, Pico was able to transform the mystical system of the Cabala into an operative magic, which became a tool for Renaissance natural philosophers to begin exploring their world in a scientific manner.
Bibliography
Copenhaver, B. “Number, Shape, and Meaning in Pico’s Christian Cabala: The Upright Tsade, the Closed Mem, and the Gaping Jaws of Azazel.” Natural Particulars: Nature and Disciplines in Renaissance Europe. Eds. Anthony Grafton and Nancy Siraisi. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1999
--- “Natural Magic, Hermetism, and Occultism in Early Modern Science.” Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution. Eds. David C. Lindberg and Robert S. Westman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990
Copenhaver, B. and Schmitt, C. “Renaissance Philosophy.” Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992
Rasmussen, D. “Symbol and Interpretation.” The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974
Yates, F. “Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition.” Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964
Ramberg, B. and Gjesdal, K. “Hermeneutics.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Online. 9 Nov. 2005. Available http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hermeneutics/


